{"id":277,"date":"2020-06-23T11:30:37","date_gmt":"2020-06-23T10:30:37","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/blogs.ncl.ac.uk\/theodoreschrecker\/?p=277"},"modified":"2020-07-08T18:02:23","modified_gmt":"2020-07-08T17:02:23","slug":"austerity-the-homicidal-present-and-the-probable-russian-future","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/blogs.ncl.ac.uk\/theodoreschrecker\/2020\/06\/23\/austerity-the-homicidal-present-and-the-probable-russian-future\/","title":{"rendered":"Austerity, the homicidal present, and the probable Russian future"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

On 18 June, I presented a webinar with this deliberately provocative title as the inaugural event in Fuse<\/a>\u2019s Covid-19 seminar series.  I think the provocation is fully justified by the most recent summaries of the UK\u2019s failed response to the pandemic, notably from The Economist<\/a><\/em>, the Oxford Research Group<\/a> and Reuters<\/a>.  (A superb one from The New York Times<\/a><\/em> unfortunately appears to be behind a paywall.)  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

You can find an archived recording of the presentation here<\/a>.  My particular focus, as in an earlier posting<\/a> to this blog (in which I pointed out that the Adam Smith Institute and the leader of the Labour Party were agreed on the importance of a coherent post-lockdown economic strategy), was on what can be learned from the experience of Russia in the generation since the implosion of the Soviet Union about the possible health and health equity consequences of drastic economic collapse.  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Fuse have kindly collected the questions submitted by audience members, not all of which could be addressed in the available time, and I\u2019ve provided brief answers in italics below<\/em>, under several topic headings. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

(This post was updated on 30 June to add a reference to the excellent Reuters report on the UK’s coronavirus response.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Economic inequalities\nand uncertainties <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Just an observation- what to do about inequality is known,\nwhat we lack is the political will to act.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

On the other hand… I think we have a generation who will\nno longer stand for inequalities and injustice. In the words of the late\nWhitney- I believe the children are our future…<\/p>\n\n\n\n

I am also concerned about this issue being compounded by the\nuncertainty of Brexit when the economy was already in jeopardy pre-Covid 19<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A perfect storm – austerity, Covid and Brexit<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Agreed that much of\nwhat to do about inequality is known \u2026 as a small example, researchers at the\nUniversity of Warwick recently\nshowed<\/a> that just requiring everyone earning more than \u00a3100,000 a year to\npay an alternative minimum income tax rate of 35 percent would raise around \u00a311\nbillion per year, without changing the \u2018headline\u2019 tax rate.  Raising the rate on high-income earners would\nfurther increase fiscal capacity, as would such measures as a one-off wealth\ntax of the kind proposed by Thomas Piketty as a way of paying off Europe\u2019s\nrising debts after the 2008 financial crisis \u2026 and, of course, curbing tax\navoidance by transnational corporations<\/a>.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Agreed as well about the added uncertainties associated with Brexit.\u00a0 For example, what happens to the economy of the North-East if the Nissan plant in Sunderland cannot remain viable?\u00a0 The one bright spot may be what could be done, but probably won\u2019t be, in terms of national economic redevelopment once EU rules on state aid no longer apply. <\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

What we need to do is convince those in power that the\nhealth of the poor actually has implications for their wealth and wellbeing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ah, but does it?\u00a0 COVID-19 would appear to prove the point, but consider how much easier it has been for Mr. and Mrs. Range Rover with a house, a garden, high-speed broadband and professional occupations to work from home and reduce exposure risk \u2026 meanwhile, the poor and marginalised in service sector occupations that require in-person work and presonal contact are obviously unable to work from home, whilst in many cases more vulnerable to the various comorbidities that appear to increase the severity of infection. <\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A Basic Universal Income … a ‘healthy response’ to\neconomic and social sustainability?   <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Maybe, if it is not seen as a substitute for investment in in-kind social provision (e.g. social housing, public transport, public health programming).\u00a0 If used as a substitute, a Basic Universal Income could function as a subsidy for private landlords and dodgy second-hand car dealers, with recipients acting as the intermediaries.\u00a0 I believe a better response is a basic living income floor, delivered to those eligible by way of a refundable tax credit.\u00a0 <\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Do we have economic evidence to argue the case for tackling\ninequality? For example if we introduced a Basic Universal Income does this\nhave a cost benefit analysis that could convince the rich that it is a good\nidea?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Here, the answer is an\nemphatic yes \u2013 as the OECD, for example, pointed out in 2015 in a report called\nIn\nIt Together: Why Less Inequality Benefits All<\/a>.  Researchers at the International Monetary\nFund have\nmade a similar point<\/a> about the need for inclusive growth.  The political problem, as economist Branko\nMilanovic has shown<\/a>, is that \u2018the rich\u2019 may have much more to gain from\npromoting policies that redistribute income upward, of the kind we have seen in\nthe UK post-2010, than from promoting economy-wide growth.  Building coalitions around the idea of\ninclusive growth will be absolutely essential if the pandemic is not to have\nthe effect of ratcheting up inequality.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

How many gold-plated Lear jets can one have?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Can\u2019t speak to private aircraft, which is not a market in which I window-shop, but readers who love the sea and want to get really frustrated may want to check out the 200 largest yachts in the world<\/a>. <\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Rebuilding economy\nand society: \u2018Building\nback better\u2019<\/a><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The areas hardest hit economically seem to be in the North,\nMidlands, coastal areas etc.  Do you have\nany insights on the impact of governance structures on preparation for and\nresponse to the pandemic?  Do countries\nwith more genuinely devolved powers respond better?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A very good question;\nI\u2019m sure PhD dissertations will be written in the years to come on precisely\nthat topic.  <\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

I think we can only depend upon the local communities. Take\nGrenfell: Government stood back, community rushed in to support.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The third sector have traditionally always stepped in when\nthe statutory sectors have cut back support\/resources.  I’m interested to know what it is that\nenables the third sector to do this and what are the barriers that prevent the\ngovernment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

I would agree that a communitarian approach is key. Hoping to appeal to the conscience of the rich seems wasted energy. For those of us in the academy could we try to make the case to our HE [higher education] institutions that working with charities, mutual aid groups and the third sector is part of our civic duty? There are groups, such as APLE and ATD Fourth World, pushing and campaigning hard against the worst effects of inequality.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

What does the best response to avoid the potential Russian\npitfalls more specifically look like at a local level?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Surely we created a North of Tyne Combined Authority and\nNorthern Powerhouse to take control of our assets and our future.  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Again, all important points. \u00a0There are at least two different issues here: (a) local control over priorities for building back, which is essential, and (b) local resources for building back, which are hopelessly inadequate thanks in part to the fiscal evisceration of local government under post-2010 austerity.\u00a0<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Local governments and entities like NTCA simply did not have the revenue streams or revenue-raising capabilities they needed even before the pandemic, as I pointed out in the presentation.\u00a0<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

I am convinced that the most likely approach to succeed at the national level is a national development bank, with a multi-billion pound initial capitalisation, empowered to lend on concessional (nowadays, \u00a0zero-interest) terms and offer direct grants to private businesses and, especially, local authorities for green rebuilding projects, under a streamlined planning process.\u00a0 (Such rebuilding in war-ravaged Europe was, in fact, the original mission of the World Bank.)\u00a0 Think what such an institution could achieve with the resources that would otherwise have been committed to HS2 and the road infrastructure necessitated by the third Heathrow runway \u2026<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

At the international\nlevel, a remarkable pre-pandemic blueprint for a global New Deal<\/a>\nwas produced in 2017 by the United Nations Conference on Trade and\nDevelopment.  Good ideas are not thin on the\nground.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Age and ageing<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

How do we challenge the ‘othering’ of the elderly and those\nwith pre-existing health conditions? There seems to be a tacit agreement that\nthis is an expendable group.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Do you think ageing populations and care homes being in the\nspotlight during the pandemic will change how our society sees ageing? <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yes please to an ageing and Covid webinar!<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why have we [collectively] allowed the crisis in the care\nhomes to accumulate over the past few decades?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

There’s a cultural ‘groupthink’ that only other people grow\nold and get ill – ageing is ‘nothing to do with us’. How can we influence\npeople to make the connection to the fact that it’s their own future care\nthat’s in jeopardy?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

All excellent points,\nand it is hard to avoid the conclusion that the elderly have been regarded as\nexpendable, whether infected in care homes (and this has been a scandal\nthroughout most of the high-income world) or effectively, in some countries\nlike the UK, placed under house arrest.  In\nCanada\u2019s two largest provinces, Ontario and Qu\u00e9bec, no one familiar with the long-term\ncare sector\u2019s decades of underfunding, patchwork public\/private provision, casualisation\nof personal support workers and under-regulation was surprised when some\nfacilities turned into charnel houses.  Will\nthis change?  I am sceptical, although\nencouraged by the creative response of organisations like the International Longevity Centre<\/a> here in the UK.  <\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Fighting back,\nbuilding ahead<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

How can we ensure that the public health community don’t shy\naway from the inherently political nature of inequality and its impacts?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

How can we come together as a PH community – and bring about\nchange in a meaningful impactful way without falling into a purely political\ndebate which is a distraction from the key debate?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Public health is everyone’s business it will take all\nsectors working together.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Good questions,\nalthough I can\u2019t agree that \u2018purely political\u2019 debates are necessarily a\ndistraction.  Choices about who gets how\nmuch of a society\u2019s resources, and on what terms, are at the core of politics,\nand public health risks irrelevance by ignoring them.  <\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Are we hindered because the Public Health community does not\nhave a collective voice? This completely reduces our influence in the system.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

I think the fact that we separate health from public health\nis part of this problem.  All health is\npublic health. It is a sleight of hand to suggest otherwise.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

I\u2019m not sure that the\npublic health community lacks a collective voice.  It has, in the UK, both the Faculty of Public Health<\/a>\nand the Royal Society for Public Health<\/a>.  The problem seems to me rather that highly\naccomplished public health professionals have been deeply divided about such\nissues as the unequal distribution of health damage and long-term economic risk\nassociated with the lockdown \u2026 which has meant that the political executive can\ncherry-pick the \u2018science\u2019 it wants. \nCOVID-19 is hardly unique in this respect!  But in the course of spending far too much\ntime reading media coverage of the pandemic, I\u2019ve been struck by the extent to\nwhich <\/em>The Telegraph \u2018got\u2019 the issue\nof unequal damage from lockdown, and <\/em>The Guardian didn\u2019t.  <\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

I have a question following on from above – what do you see\nas the key points and forms of resistance to this?  Especially given the positions of many\ngovernments, not least in the UK.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

I’m very concerned that these stark inequalities are\nfuelling reactionary far right wing populism \/ nationalism \/ patriotism – and\nthe current government are happy to let this narrative run. Any ideas of how\nthis can be challenged?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

I wish I had better\nanswers; hopefully the important dialogue that Fuse has initiated will\ncontribute to developing them, as will a revival of critical thinking in UK\nuniversities.  As a political scientist,\nI have to observe that one of the undesirable characteristics of\nWestminster-style parliamentary systems is that a government with a legislative\nmajority is so impermeable that it functions as an elective monarchy, in this\ncase with a term of office that runs until the end of 2024.  <\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

What can universities contribute to the resistance of this\nfuture in terms of our teaching?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Education has been commodified and is not about\ntransformation. We need to address who can access education and what is\nprovided when they get there … thinking Pedagogy of the Oppressed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

These are of course\ncritically important questions, about which (in particular) Stefan Collini<\/a> and\nLawrence Busch<\/a>\nhave written brilliantly.  More recently\nanother Canadian (like myself), retired legal scholar Philip Slayton, had\nthis to say<\/a>: <\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2018A curious and\nwell-informed mind is a free mind, and a person with a free mind is a free\nperson; creating this free person is what education, particularly postsecondary\neducation, is meant to do. Universities need to reject a corporate consumer-driven\nmodel; a student is not a \u201cclient.\u201d Universities must eschew misguided\nvocationalism, emphasize the development of critical thinking \u2013 in particular,\nthe ability to distinguish between a good argument and a bad argument \u2013 and\nrecognize that society needs dreamers at least as much as technicians. They\nneed a fee structure that makes postsecondary education available to all\nwithout career-distorting long-term debt. And they need to welcome the\nexpression of all views, even extreme ones.\u2019<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

On 18 June, I presented a webinar with this deliberately provocative title as the inaugural event in Fuse\u2019s Covid-19 seminar series.  I think the provocation is fully justified by the most recent summaries of the UK\u2019s failed response to the … Continue reading →<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1834,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[4,35,36,15,2,5,14],"class_list":["post-277","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-uncategorised","tag-austerity","tag-coronavirus","tag-covid-19","tag-health-equity","tag-public-finance","tag-public-health","tag-social-determinants-of-health"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/blogs.ncl.ac.uk\/theodoreschrecker\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/277","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/blogs.ncl.ac.uk\/theodoreschrecker\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/blogs.ncl.ac.uk\/theodoreschrecker\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.ncl.ac.uk\/theodoreschrecker\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1834"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.ncl.ac.uk\/theodoreschrecker\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=277"}],"version-history":[{"count":5,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.ncl.ac.uk\/theodoreschrecker\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/277\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":284,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.ncl.ac.uk\/theodoreschrecker\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/277\/revisions\/284"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/blogs.ncl.ac.uk\/theodoreschrecker\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=277"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.ncl.ac.uk\/theodoreschrecker\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=277"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.ncl.ac.uk\/theodoreschrecker\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=277"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}