The tip of the tongue and the lips and the teeth (or, phonetics for kids)

Strange things are happening in the world of education. To the benefit of absolutely no-one, STEM subjects are frequently held up as the only ones worth studying, while technological advances (and misadventures) demonstrate the need, time and time again, for a nuanced understanding of human beings, how they think, and how they move through the world. In short, we all need more of the arts and humanities.

As a discipline that straddles both STEM and arts and humanities, we have a unique opportunity in linguistics to disrupt the current binary discourse (STEM or bust) and muddy the waters wherever possible. Linguists frequently apply the scientific method to that most human of behaviours, language, but just recently, my fabulous colleague Dr Emma Nguyen and I had the chance to squeeze some awareness of being human into a science space.

The scene: STEAM week at a very lovely local primary school. The brief: chatting to year 3 (ages 8-9) about muscles. The topic? Well, as linguists, we were duty bound to present the group of muscles that gave our field its name* – the tongue. The tongue is crucial for spoken language, but what did our 8 year olds already know about how it shapes language sounds?

By year 3, children in English schools have had a few years of instruction in phonics – a system that teaches the most common associations between sounds (phones) and letters (graphs) to help children ‘decode’ written words. The principle is that by sounding out a word’s constituent graphs and blending the corresponding phones, children can break into written English without needing to rely (too heavily) on memorising full word forms.

However, the phonics schemes we’ve come across as parents or in conversation with schools spend very little time on explicitly describing how, where and with what body parts sounds are made. Some schemes even include mascots that make speech sounds despite having no lips or teeth. Teachers say that the sounds made at the very front of the mouth like /p,b,m/ might elicit some discussion about the lips, and sounds like /f,v/ are talked about in terms of lips and teeth. But sounds at the back of the mouth like /k,g,ŋ/? No-one is sure how to talk about how these sounds come into being.

So the tongue and the back of the mouth are as foreign to our year 3s as the Moon. But unlike the Moon, we don’t need a rocket to find out more about them. Instead, we used a little trick sometimes employed in first year university phonetics classes (that would also buy us a bit of notoriety – more on that later).

That’s how the tongue makes sounds? Sweet!

We ran a little experiment, turning Willy Wonka by handing out lollipops** (or lollipop sticks to anyone who didn’t fancy a sweet). We instructed the children to put the lollipop toward the back of their tongue, then we all read together words with different vowel sounds in them.

This helped demonstrate how open front vowels like /a/, where the lolly (and tongue!) move down and forward in the mouth, differ from closed back vowels like /i/, where the highest point of the tongue is right close to the back part of the hard palate (resulting in a few lollipops stuck to the roofs of mouths).

The kids were amazed at how mobile their tongues were, while we were amazed at how disciplined they were at not chomping the lollipops at the first opportunity. NB: the sweets were not a gratuitous choice! They stick beautifully to your tongue to allow you to focus on how your tongue moves without actually inhibiting it from doing so normally. Until it gets stuck to your palate after a close sound, of course, which will happen if you’re (a) eight years old or (b) narrow-of-mouth, like me.

The experiment demonstrated how place of articulation, or the point at which the tongue, teeth, or lips close or come close together, is a really useful way of distinguishing between sounds, and helps us differentiate words like tap and cap. Tap’s initial /t/ sound is made by the tip of the tongue closing up against the alveolar ridge, just behind the teeth. In contrast, cap’s initial /k/ is made by pushing the back of the tongue right up against the velum, or soft palate. It is the position of the tongue alone*** that prevents misunderstandings about wearing bathroom furniture as a hat.

We also showed the kids some MRI videos from the fabulous website Seeing Speech. These give a fantastic insight into the flexibility and precision of the tongue from a side-on view (pretty hard to achieve any other way), with the added gross-out value of demonstrating just how enormous your tongue actually is.

What other muscles affect how sounds are made?

Some children noticed, though, that place of articulation is not the only thing that differentiates sounds. This led to discussion of another set of muscles and tissues that help us produce speech – the vocal folds. We placed our hands on our throats and made the sounds /s/ and /z/ on repeat. The buzzy feeling of /z/ is due to vibrations in the vocal folds as air is forced between them, and this is called voicing.

Experiencing voicing first hand
Photo credit: Hotspur Primary School

To get a sense of what voicing really looks like, we played another video, this time of vocal folds in action from above, and then we got creative. Using a paper cup and elastic bands, we created our own voice boxes, using straws to blow across the elastic-band-vocal folds to cause them to vibrate, and even stretching them with our fingers to create higher pitched sounds. This activity was inspired by one described on howtosmile.org.

One of the year 3 form teachers is also the school’s music teacher, so we compared out paper cup larynxes to his guitar collection, and I also brought a kazoo along to demonstrate how voicing changes airwaves. But it was the *other* form who gave us an amazing demo of one of their favourite assembly songs to demonstrate pitch changes – a really glorious moment.

Kazoos are a great way of demonstrating how voicing affects the sound waves that we can produce
Photo credit: Hotspur Primary School

Did it all work well?

We thought so! The children took part with enthusiasm, asking great questions about how the vocal cords seemed to change shape and about how speech sounds differ across languages. We taught the sessions on two different days, so we knew we’d had an impact on the first group, as the second already knew some of what we were going to talk about (plus they were well primed for the sweets). We will happily take playground chat as evidence of successful learning!

As for the teachers, they thought that increasing awareness of tongue movements could really help some of the children with language delay. Of course, speech and language therapists employ plenty of exercises that do just this, but we reckon there’s a benefit to be had by sharing all this information with children earlier and more generally, embedding it into phonics learning.

Want to know a bit more?

As you might imagine, we couldn’t do much more than that in a 45-minute session, and we didn’t even get onto manner of articulation****, a third factor in classifying sounds. We didn’t really demonstrate the International Phonetic Alphabet as a method for representing speech sounds, and we’d have loved to hand round kazoos to all (the teachers may have been less pleased with this). If you’re interested in thinking a bit more about place, manner and voicing and how we use these to describe sounds, here are some resources that might be useful (and spoiler: we’re in the process of trying to develop some that will complement traditional phonics programmes too!).

Notes

*From lingua, Latin for ‘tongue’, came the 16th century coinage ‘linguist’, meaning “master of languages” or “one who uses their tongue freely”. ‘Linguistic’, meaning “pertaining to language(s)” was an early 19th century innovation from German linguistisch, fabulously described by the OED as “hardly justifiable etymologically [… but] has arisen because lingual suggests irrelevant associations.” The term ‘linguistics’ for the field of study followed in the mid 19th century, but only really took off (and overtook its main competitor, ‘philology’) in the late 1940s. All info in this note, apart from the Google Ngram, is taken from the wonderful resource etymonline.com: linguist, linguistic, linguistics.

**Maoam Joystixx were far and away the best sweet for this experiment, with Swizzles Matlow Drumsticks as a decent runner-up as a vegetarian/halal option. No, this isn’t an #Ad. Yes, there was an extensive testing period one afternoon ;).

***Yes, OK, context helps too. But sometimes that is absent, and sometimes terrible analogies happen too.

****This is to do with how the articulators (lips, tongue, teeth, etc.) relate to each other, mostly in terms of how close they are. For example, the initial sounds in both tap and sap are unvoiced and made by placing the tip of the tongue at the alveolar ridge, but where there is complete closure of the tongue against the alveolar ridge for /t/, it’s just close to the ridge for /s/, allowing air to hiss through that small gap.

Experimental Diary #2: Back to school!

As I mentioned a week or so ago, we were lucky enough to be back in schools running language experiments with Real Children in July. We visited 4 settings over 5 days, running experiments with 21 preschool-aged children – a fair marathon.

It’s a total privilege to be able to do this because it takes a lot of organising on the part of the childcare providers on top of everything they already do (and, as we’re increasingly aware, early years practitioners get nowhere near the wages they deserve). Children’s time is also, quite rightly, protected, and we can’t simply waltz into their space and take it up.

This means that experimenters have to plan our experiments incredibly carefully to make sure we don’t waste anyone’s time or energy (including our own). That said, no experiment *ever* goes to plan first time, whether you’re working with children, chemicals, or quarks. This means we spent a good part of the week adjusting and refining our experiment. It was a week of *much* reflection so I thought it might be worth sharing our story and some of those reflections here.

What were we trying to do?

As I explained in my previous post, we wanted to get some information about how children produce tag questions (You like flowers, don’t you?) and negative questions (Don’t you like flowers?). These questions are really hard to elicit (that means, to get kids to produce them), so we planned an imitation experiment where we would feed children the question and then see how faithfully they reproduce it. This reveals a certain amount of their linguistic knowledge as they’re more likely to accurately reproduce grammatical constructions they have already learned than ones they haven’t yet mastered, which they will tend to amend or rephrase.

Our original experiment involved using puppets to act out a scene, then asking a child to take one of the roles on. It was based on a study involving 4-6 year old Cantonese speakers and we piloted it with children we knew well.

But when we went into our childcare settings, it was a dismal failure! Children aged 4-5 got distracted by operating the puppet, didn’t want to join in the scene or just got bored halfway through – even the really chatty, outgoing ones. Plus, when they went back into their usual class spaces, they struggled to tell their teachers what they’d been doing. Why did it go so wrong?

Lesson #1: Piloting experiments – don’t keep it too close to home

As I mentioned, we had done a dry run – a pilot – of the study with a child at the bottom end of the age range we were interested in (3 years 11 months, or 3;11) and a child at the top end (6;1). Both children completed the experiment successfully and without getting bored. But we knew both children very well and ran the pilots in their homes.

Of course, we spent a lot of time before running our experiments just playing with our child helpers, and their classmates, and making ourselves familiar. But we had still massively underestimated how much a break from routine, with someone you don’t really know, would affect children’s confidence in taking part in this (admittedly complicated) task.

Lesson #2: All the small details count

A related problem was that in the original study, this act-out task was one of just many tasks that an individual child would take part in, across a series of weeks. The children in the original study were also likely used to meeting strangers and engaging in language tasks, as they were all receiving interventions following a diagnosis of autism (thought the study was a bit skimpy on details about children’s prior experience). In contrast, our children most likely had no experience of this kind of interaction with language specialists, making the background for our respective studies fundamentally very different. We should have taken this into account more seriously from the start.

What we did next; or, lesson #3: Get advice from the other experts in the room!

We had a chat to the nursery teachers about our struggles – they were the ones that told us about the children’s difficulties in describing the task – and ran some new ideas by them. This was invaluable in directing our efforts for the next design.

It was clear that we needed to get children involved in the experiment earlier, rather than making them wait to watch a whole scene before getting involved. We also needed to motivate them a little bit more. There wasn’t really a *reason* to play an act out game with us so they were struggling to understand why they were doing it.

Out of this grew experiment #2 – still an imitation experiment with a puppet – where the puppet became a robot that was learning English. The robot would say sentences in a robot voice (flat, even intonation) and the child would be asked to repeat it back “like a human”. The robot would then say the sentence again, either more human-like or still like a robot, and the child would reward it if it was more human-like (with a strawberry) or give it broccoli to make it “cleverer” if it still sounded robot-like. The teachers we spoke to thought that the robot sounded engaging and that giving the children a clear job to do from the start would help.

And it did… ish.

Our puppet, RoboBen! It’s helpful being handy with a pair of scissors when you need to whip up a robot puppet on the fly (see also Lesson #6 below…)

Lesson #4: Keep it *even* simpler

Experiment #2 worked a lot better – children as young as 4;3 could complete it, they found it entertaining (the robot generated a lot of giggles) and they could describe the experiment back to their caregivers. However, for younger children who weren’t quite 4 yet, there were still too many steps involved – they couldn’t quite connect up the reward system with all the repetition of the sentences.

We were also finding a fundamental problem with the imitation task. As well as the children’s grammar, we were interested in seeing what intonation children would produce these questions with. But rather than “asking” the questions back to the puppet, the children seemed to be repeating them as if they were embedded in a silent “You say it like this…” structure, with the question-ness of the sentence stripped out. This shouldn’t have been surprising – the questions were not connected up by context and there was no real questioner-answerer relationship to support their question-ness either.

So back to the drawing board, via a chat with the teachers, we went…

Lesson #5: Context is everything

I covered this to some extent in lesson #3, but context was key for setting up our third (and final) experimental design. We kept the robot and binned the strawberry/broccoli. We introduced a second puppet, a “human” puppet, who couldn’t understand the robot puppet when he talked. The role of the child now was to be the expert interpreter. As the child could understand the robot when he talked, they had to relay his questions to the “human” puppet so the two puppets could get to know each other.

Now we had set up a questioner-answerer relationship, and this even helped provide context for the questions themselves, which is important for tag and biased questions, which are not used “out of the blue”. The child now had just *one* task to focus on and it was clear and motivated by the context.

Et voilà! Seven children, aged between 3;6 and 5;1, *all* successfully completed the task (with, again, plenty of laughter along the way).

The experiment is still a fragile one – individual children can still choose to take a “You should say…” type approach, where they’re not really re-asking the question, but this just means that we need to ensure we work with plenty of children to be able to group children by individual differences and still be able to say something about the ones who really get into the spirit of re-asking the question. To some extent this is unavoidable: the questions we’re interested in are such a natural part of normal conversation that to shine a light on them at all creates an artificiality that some people just won’t be able to get past. But others can and will, and we can still learn something from them.

What an instructive, humbling, enjoyable, frustrating, spellbinding week. Thanks to all the children that welcomed us into their spaces at Childsplay Cooperative Nursery, Hotspur Primary School, Northumbria University Nursery, and West Jesmond Primary School, and the wonderful staff at all four providers who were so generous and accommodating. We hope to see some of you again in September to run our experiment with some older children!

Oh, and lesson #6: Never forget to pack your puppet

Experimental Diary #1: Our research group, and a project in development

Inspired by the PI diaries from Dr Ai Taniguchi’s superlative L’IMAGE project, I thought I’d have a go at jotting down my experiences and experiments in conducting child language acquisition research with Real Live Children. NB: I’ve included a short glossary and references section at the end of each post – take a look there if you’re confused or want to know more…or both.

It’s been a wee while since I have been able to run experiments with children – early 2018, I think – thanks to Covid-19 (heard of it?), parental leave, and 1001 other pressures and projects to focus on. But in the last year I have acquired a fabulous new colleague, Dr Emma Nguyen, who also studies child language, another wonderful colleague secured an open-ended position at another not-too-far away university (Dr Johannes Heim, at University of Aberdeen) and the LingLab at Newcastle has gone from strength to strength, gaining more funding for fantastic resources, equipment and training. With all these things in place, we’ve finally got our Language Evolution, Acquisition and Development research group up and running and tucking into pastries together every fortnight. All of this provides a firm and supportive foundation for finally getting back into the experimental groove.

The logo for the LEAD group, featuring a baby, a child, and a woman holding a branch to represent branching language and lineages
Our very pretty LEAD logo, designed by excellent colleague Dr Chrissy Cuskley

And I did get back into it, this past week! Johannes and I have been planning an experiment to investigate how children produce non-canonical questions in English – what grammatical structures do they use, what intonation patterns do they produce, and do they produce co-speech gestures alongside them? By non-canonical questions, we mean questions that don’t just ask for some information that the speaker wants to know. I’ve got an example of a canonical information-seeking question in (1), and three types of non-canonical questions in (2-4): tag questions (2), negative biased questions (3) and suggestion-like why questions (4).

  1. Do you like flowers?
  2. You like flowers, don’t you?
  3. Don’t you like flowers?
  4. Why don’t you pick some flowers.

Questions like (2-4) are a totally natural part of conversation but differ from (1) in lots of ways. (2-4) all have negation in them (n’t) and they’re all pretty bad in “out-of-the-blue” contexts. That means that the person who says (2-4) has some kind of conversational agenda or prior knowledge that they’re basing their question choice on, where (1) can simply be asking for some information that they’re lacking, without expecting a specific answer.

Questions (2-4) are far less frequent in conversation than questions like (1), and can vary in their frequency in different dialects (tags like (2) are used around nine times more often in British than in American Englishes, for example) and to different addressees (suggestion questions like (4) require the speaker to be in a social position to be able to offer advice). All 4 types of question are major topics in formal linguistics, where linguists take utterances and judgements by adult English speakers to try to work out how the meaning of each type of question comes about from its syntax, semantics and pragmatics. But tag questions in particular have been neglected in studies of *child* English. Enter Johannes and me.

A Peanuts cartoon featuring Charlie Brown and Linus leaning against a fence. Linus is saying "Life is difficult, isn't it, Charlie Brown?"
They might be young users of American English, but the Peanuts kids are heavy tag users (copyright: Charles Schulz/Peanuts)

Now, I’ve already done some work on questions (2-4) in child speech from the CHILDES corpus, but (a) a lot of those corpora are American English and (b) the sampling is pretty infrequent in them in general, so we didn’t get an awful lot of data (just under 650 questions from 67 children – this compares with over 20,000 instances of n’t across all sentence types). Also, we could only work from written transcripts as most of the corpora didn’t have recordings available, so we had no information about how children produced these questions.

So we need to turn to experiments. As I mentioned above, we were interested in taking a multimodal approach to these non-canonical questions – this means we started out interested in morphosyntax, but also prosody [intonation] and gesture [hand, face and body movements).

How did we get on? Well, come back for diary #2 to find out…

Glossary

CHILDES: Child Language Data Exchange System, available at childes.talkbank.org. A fantastic resource set up and run by Brian MacWhinney at Carnegie Mellon University containing hours and hours of transcripts, audio and video of children acquiring different languages.

Morphosyntax: a subfield of linguistics interested in the grammar of morphemes at the level of the sentence. Morphemes are units that may constitute single words or may combine with other morphemes to build words. The study of morphemes at the word (or lower) level is called morphology. From the Greek units morph- (shape, form), syn- (together) and tassein (arrange), via German Morphologie, Latin syntaxis and French syntaxe.

Multimodal: literally ‘many modes’, this means looking at language not only in terms of the words/structures used, but also prosodic features like intonation, co-speech gesture, and context.

PI: Principal Investigator. The researcher leading a study; also often the person who applied for and won the funding (if applicable).

Prosody: The study of rhythm, stress, timing, tones and tunes of language.

References

Frequency of tags in British and American Englishes: Gunnel Tottie (2009). How different are American and British English grammar? And how are they different? In Günter Rohdenberg and Julia Schlüter, eds. One Language, Two Grammars? Differences between British and American English (pp.341-363). Cambridge: CUP. Taken from p. 354.

My work on tag and biased questions: Rebecca Woods and Tom Roeper (in press). Children’s acquisition of “high” negation: a window into the logic and composition of bias in questions. To appear in Manfred Krifka et al, eds. Biased Questions: Experimental Results & Theoretical Modelling, to appear with Language Science Press. Preprint.