This Treasure of the month was provided by Owen Brittan one of this year’s Robinson Bequest Students.
This May marks the 200th anniversary of the accident of the Felling Colliery which claimed the lives of 92 workers when an explosion ripped through the two pits. It was one of the worst ever known disasters in the history of coal fields with a survival rate of only 24 percent of the workforce who were an average age of 22.
Page showing the list of person killed by the Felliery Colliery explosion, from The funeral sermon of the Felling Colliery sufferers : to which are prefixed, a description and plan of that colliery : an account of the late accident there : of the fund raised for the widows and suggestions for founding a collier’s hospital, by Hodgson, John. Newcastle [England] : Walker, 1813. (Clarke (Edwing) Local, Clarke 1833)
The tragedy took place years before any sort of regulation on child labour as evidenced by the large amount of children who died in the explosion. Of the 92 left dead, 11 of them were 10 years of age or younger. The story of the accident comes to us through the publication of Reverend John Hodgson’s funeral sermon on behalf of the fallen miners.
In October of 1810 Messrs. John and William Brandling, Henderson, and Grace each acquired a fourth share of the Felling colliery located in the parish of Jarrow, about a mile and a half east of Gateshead. The colliery consisted of two shafts, the John Pit and William Pit, which were both over 200 yards deep. Two shifts of men were constantly employed, except on Sundays. From its opening in October 1810 to 25 May 1812, the date of the explosion, the mine had had only one accident, which resulted in slight burns to two or three workmen, while excavating over 25 acres of coal.
Page showing the list of person killed by the Felliery Colliery explosion, from The funeral sermon of the Felling Colliery sufferers : to which are prefixed, a description and plan of that colliery : an account of the late accident there : of the fund raised for the widows and suggestions for founding a collier’s hospital, by Hodgson, John. Newcastle [England] : Walker, 1813. (Clarke (Edwing) Local, Clarke 1833)
It was not until July 8, after diverting a current of water into the pits for over a month to make the air breathable, that any further rescue attempts could be made but by then very few people had any hope of finding anyone alive. Over the course of the next 44 days bodies were recovered and identified. Most were too scorched or putrid to be identified by physical features so friends and family had to identify them by belongings found on their person.
Page Page showing the list of person killed by the Felliery Colliery explosion from, The funeral sermon of the Felling Colliery sufferers : to which are prefixed, a description and plan of that colliery : an account of the late accident there : of the fund raised for the widows and suggestions for founding a collier’s hospital, by Hodgson, John. Newcastle [England] : Walker, 1813. (Clarke (Edwing) Local, Clarke 1833)
At 9:00 A.M. on 19 September the last body was recovered and by 11:00 AM the colliery was back to work as normal. The body of the 92nd victim has never been found.
All but four of these victims were buried together in the Heworth Chapel Yard in a single trench with brick partitions between every four coffins. In response to this tragedy several benevolent and prominent Newcastle citizens began taking up subscriptions for the families of the deceased. Additionally, this mining accident prompted safety improvements throughout the coal community. In correspondence to the inadequacy of lamps in a noxious environment new safety lamps were invented. The Society for the Prevention of Accidents in Coal Mines was also created shortly thereafter.
Plan of the workings of Felling Colliery from History of Felling on Tyne a file of ephemera (Clarke General Collection)
Crime Ephemera titled ‘The Mysterious Disappearance and supposed death of Margetts.’ Printed by R. Henderson, Churchway, North Shields, 1838 (Ephemera Collection)
As a means of spreading information quickly and cheaply among working class and increasingly literate populations, printed ephemera was both a forerunner and supplement to early newspapers. The activity of using local printers to convey a message, including advertising goods and services, local events, and public notices peaked in the 19th Century. These were never meant to become historical artefacts, rather to be passed around, stuffed in pockets, pasted to walls and read out loud to communicate an idea at the time then be thrown away or often reused to wrap meat, cakes and soap. Because of this, where they have survived surreptitiously, such material gives us a useful insight into societies at the time and are a useful research resource.
A prevalent use for this type of ephemera was as crime notices; alerting people to misdemeanours and often offering rewards for information. The broadsides featured here, which were essentially posters that would have been displayed in prominent public places, concern the mysterious disappearance of a local surgeon’s apprentice John Margetts.
The broadside titled ‘The Mysterious Disappearance and supposed death of Margetts’ (above) implicates a Mr Gaunt in “gulling the public” over his disappearance. It also suggests that infamous murderers William Burke and William Hare, who from 1827 to 1828 killed 17 people in Edinburgh and sold the corpses to a private anatomy lecturer for dissection, were questioned in connection with his disappearance but denied all knowledge. The anonymous writer does not seem to fully believe this, asking “…who can put faith in such bloody-minded wretches…”.
In broadside titled ‘John Gaunt in the matter of Margetts’ (below), writer Robert Baird is much more resolute in his belief that John Gaunt is behind Margetts’ disappearance and deeply sceptical of a separate broadside “posted up in South Shields” by Gaunt, seeking to exonerate himself.
He alleges Gaunt’s claim that Margetts left to enter the service of the East India Company, based on an entry in their books, is false as it is not the same John Margetts, or may even be a forgery by Gaunt himself.
Particularly damning is the claim that Gaunt offered Baird “£100, a new Suit of Clothes, and his Daughter” to keep quiet!
Crime Ephemera titled ‘John Gaunt in the matter of Margetts’ printed by B. Henderson, North Shields, 1839 (Ephemera Collection)
Further research from contemporary copies of newspapers (available to Newcastle students through the 19th Century British Library Newspapers) sheds a little more light on the mystery.
Amid the claims and counter claims, we learn from these sources that two gentlemen from Newcastle petitioned the Scottish courts for the re-apprehension of William Hare, who turned King’s evidence against his accomplice to be spared execution, because they suspected Margetts of being the unidentified “Englishman murdered by Burke and Hare” (The Glasgow Herald, Feb. 16, 1829).
The reason behind Robert Baird’s suspicions also become clear as Margetts was last seen on the 22nd February 1827 after being sent with some medicine for John Gaunt’s wife. Seemingly dogged by rumours he was involved, John Gaunt successfully won 5 pounds and 20 shillings “compensation for certain slanderous words… reflecting on his character” (The Newcastle Courant, 1st March 1834), at the Newcastle Spring Assizes court after two individuals accused him in the pub, due to his extravagant lifestyle, of getting his living “by other means”; namely the ‘burking’ of Margetts. The term was derived from the aforementioned William Burke, and meant to smother and compress the chest of a victim in order to sell the corpse to medical schools. This was particularly profitable before the Anatomy Act of 1832, as doctors could then only lawfully use the corpses of executed criminals to teach their students. As the demand outstripped the supply, grave robbers or worse made a roaring trade!
Despite John Margetts Snr. placing reward notices for information in the Newcastle Courant on 3rd May 1828 and again as late as 7th December 1839, it seems the true fate of his son remains lost to history. Although it is little solace to poor Margetts, however, these examples of printed ephemera show how crime and punishment was viewed and enforced at street level through a shared morality and sense of justice… or just as a means of spreading malicious gossip!
Can you shed any more light on the Mystery of Margetts?
Map of Northumberland from Mercator, G. Historia mundi: or, Mercator’s atlas: containing his Cosmographical description of the fabricke and figure of the world: lately rectified in divers places, as also beautified and enlarged with new mappes and tables by the studious industry of Ivdocvs Hondy; Englished by W. S. (London: Printed by T. Cotes for Michael Sparke and Samuel Cartwright, 1635) (Post-Incunabula Collection: PI 912 MER Quarto)
Gerardus Mercator was born 500 years ago, on 5th March 1512. He was a Flemish cartographer who made it possible to navigate straight paths across the entire ocean.
Although he came to be known for cartography, Mercator’s main income source was initially in the crafting of mathematical instruments and he would later teach mathematics at the academic college in Duisburg.
While working in Leuven, he struck out as an independent mapmaker, producing maps of Palestine (1537), the world (1538) and Flanders (1540). In 1552 he relocated to Duisburg where he opened a cartography workshop and found employment as the city’s surveyor.
Mercator put his atlas together in the early 1570s when the son of his patron, the crown prince of Cleves, was planning a grand tour of Europe. It was based on his cylindrical projection (a major revolution) and compiled from a collection of wall maps that were available in his workshop, as well as some of his own hand-drawn maps. He copied the maps, then cut and pasted them into the bound format that would come to be known as an atlas.
Page from Mercator, G. Historia mundi: or, Mercator’s atlas: containing his Cosmographical description of the fabricke and figure of the world: lately rectified in divers places, as also beautified and enlarged with new mappes and tables by the studious industry of Ivdocvs Hondy; Englished by W. S. (London: Printed by T. Cotes for Michael Sparke and Samuel Cartwright, 1635) (Post-Incunabula Collection, PI 912 MER Quarto)
The Philip Robinson Library copy is an ‘Englished’ version of the edition published by Jodocus Hondius (1563-1612). Mercator’s work had become eclipsed by Ortelius’ Theatrum Orbis Terrarum but Hondius purchased the plates for Mercator’s Atlas in 1604 and, in reprinting it with additional maps, re-established Mercator’s reputation. The Mercator/Hondius series would go on to include a second and a pocket edition. This copy also has an illustrated title page from the second edition, printed in London for Micheall [sic] Sparke in 1637 pasted in at the front.
Front cover of Little Dorit, no.III (Rare Books, RB823.83 DIC)
7th February 2012 marks the 200th anniversary of the birth of Charles Dickens, regarded by many as the consummate Victorian author.
He began his career in journalism, writing for the journals The Mirror of Parliament, The True Sun and later, The Morning Chronicle. The contacts he made in the press industry enabled him to publish Sketches by Boz (1836): a collection of short portrayals of London characters and scenes which were illustrated by George Cruikshank and had previously been serialised in popular newspapers and periodicals.
John Macrone first published Sketches as a two-volume set in February 1836 and followed it with a second complete series in one volume in August that same year. It is a work of both non-fiction and fiction.
Title page from Sketches by Boz (1936) (19th Century Collections, 19th C. Coll. 823.83 DIC)
Dickens’ family had been sent to Marshalsea prison when his father fell into debt. Dickens had been sent to work in a blacking factory.
The social ills of the Nineteenth Century such as child labour, the Poor Law and the poor treatment of London’s waif-children are recurrent themes in his novels.
In The Adventures of Oliver Twist, 1837-39 (19th Century Collection, 19th C. Coll. 823.83 DIC) workhouse conditions, the recruitment of children as criminals, the social effects of industrialisation, London slums and the hypocrisies of the middle-class come under particular scrutiny.
Illustration of ‘The Last Chance’ from The Adventures of Oliver Twist(19th Century Collection, 19th C. Coll. 823.83 DIC)
Dickens first visited America in 1842, his impressions of which are described in American Notes. He was already popular in the U.S. and was mobbed on arrival. Here his interest in social reform continued and his itinerary included visits to prisons, factories and hospitals. He was also saw first-hand the effects of slavery and was a vehement campaigner for its abolition. The trip was both a success and a disappointment: he wearied of the attention he attracted, failed to persuade Americanc of the need for an international copyright agreement, and was unimpressed by the level of information put out by the press. The success of the British reading tour and the prospect of large profits motivated him to visit America again in 1867 but by this time his health was failing and he did not travel far.
Image of ‘Emigrant’ from the Illustration London News (19th Century Collection, 19th C. Coll. 030 ILL)
Many nineteenth-century authors established themselves through writing serialised fiction. That is, the issuing of instalments in newspapers, like the Illustrated London News, and popular magazines, like The Strand, or, as ‘part serials’ i.e. discrete monthly parts. Serialisation impacted upon the novel form: the more an author wrote the more handsomely they were paid but there was also a need to engage readers with every instalment and authors like Dickens adapted plots according to reader responses. Serialisation made book-buying affordable for the middle-class because it spread the cost of purchasing a novel over an average of eighteen to twenty months, with each instalment selling at an average of 1 shilling – a little over £2.00 in today’s spending worth. Typically, when the final instalment had been acquired, the parts were stripped of their paper wrappers and advertisements, trimmed and bound in leather or fine cloth. Thus it is rare to find novels as part serials today. The copy of Little Dorrit (see image at the beginning of this post), 1855-57 (Rare Books, RB823.83 DIC) which is held in the Rare Books collection is a good example of a book in parts. The parts are stab stitched, with paper wrappers intact, marked with the price and some of the parts bear the inscription of a former owner and the stamp of Holden bookseller, Church St., Liverpool. It offers an opportunity to experience the text as the contemporary readers would have experienced it, with a greater number of illustrations (by H.K. Browne) and the cliffhangers at the end of each part.
Dickens’ final novel, The Mystery of Edwin Drood, 1870 (Rare Books, RB823.83 DIC) remains unfinished. There are no clues regarding an intended ending in the notes which Dickens left although he sent a summary of the story to his friend John Forster. He died from a stroke, having completed a full day’s work on the novel. The sixth instalment was the last to be published.
Extract from The Mystery of Edwin Drood, 1870 (Rare Books, RB823.83 DIC)
Title page from Shield, W. The Woodman: a comic opera, as performed with universal applause at the Theatre Royal Covent Garden. Composed chiefly by Willm Shield. The poetry by Mr. Bate Dudley. (London: Printed by Longman and Broderip, c.1794) (Friends Collection, Friends 649)
William Shield (1748-1829) is a much-neglected figure in British music yet, in his day, was a prolific composer of opera and Master of the King’s Music.
The son of a singing master, he was born in Swalwell (Gateshead). His father gave him musical instruction but died when William was nine years old. Thereafter, William was apprenticed to a Tyneside boat builder but continued to study music. He enjoyed a particularly good relationship with Charles Avison (another celebrated composer from Newcastle upon Tyne) who was then organist at St. Nicholas’ Cathedral, Newcastle. Under Avison, William learned about composition, started to perform at concerts and dances, and became a significant violinist in Newcastle’s programme of subscription concerts. He was 21 years old when he was given his first commission: to compose an anthem which would be sung at the consecration of St. John’s Church, Sunderland.
Completion of his boat building apprenticeship allowed him to work away from Tyneside and he began to lead theatre orchestras in Scarborough and Stockton-on-Tees. At the same time, he struck up a friendship with the antiquarian Joseph Ritson with whom he shared an interest in the folk music tradition.
He was persuaded to move to London and by 1772 was playing violin in the Covent Garden Opera, becoming principal violinist in 1773. The chamber music which he wrote during this period could not compete with the more exciting music of Joseph Haydn but his first comic opera, The Flitch of Bacon (1778) was an immense success and contributed to William’s being appointed composer to Covent Garden. It is in comic operas that William’s contribution to English music lies. Hayden attended the first performance of The Woodman (c.1794) which is featured here.
In 1817 he became Master of the King’s Music and, upon his death; his favourite violin was given to King George IV.
The Woodman comprises 97 pages of music for solo voices and a chorus, and an accompaniment for keyboard. It was gifted to Newcastle University Library by Dr. David Garder-Medwin, President of the Friends of the University Library, in December 2010.
Music score from Shield, W. The Woodman: a comic opera, as performed with universal applause at the Theatre Royal Covent Garden. Composed chiefly by Willm Shield. The poetry by Mr. Bate Dudley. (London: Printed by Longman and Broderip, c.1794) (Friends Collection, Friends 649)
Pages from Morris, W. A Dream of John Ball (London: Kelmscott P, 1892) (Rare Books, RB821.86 MOR)
In the Nineteenth Century, book-making became an industrialised process: hand-made rag, or linen, laid paper was replaced with wove paper, often made from wood pulp; hand presses were replaced with steam-powered rotary presses. Improved literacy levels and the rise of the middle classes created a demand for cheap, mass-produced books. One reaction to this was the establishment of private presses which typically focussed on a return to traditional craftsmanship, creating books which were typographic works of art and which were issued in small print runs.
One such private press was the Kelmscott Press of William Morris, established in January 1891. The last book to have been printed at the Kelmscott Press was A Note by William Morris on his aims in founding the Kelmscott Press together with a short description of the press by S.C. Cockerell, & an annotated list of the books printed thereat (1898). In it, Morris describes his admiration of fifteenth-century books, which he observed “were always beautiful by force of the mere typography, even without the added ornament, with which many of them are so lavishly supplied [e.g. illumination and pen-work flourishing]”.
Morris favoured linen paper, with subtle chain lines, modelled on an example of Bolognese paper from 1473. He designed a Roman fount along the lines of that designed by fifteenth-century Venetian printer, Nicholas Jenson, and followed the types of Gothic fount that were used in the first 20 years of printing, such as that of Gunther Zainer at Augsburg. Morris was also concerned that any decoration be in harmony with the pages of type.
This book, A Dream of John Ball, was published by the Kelmscott Press in 1892. It is a small quarto, printed in black and red, with embellished capital letters. The woodcut illustration you see here was designed by Edward Burne-Jones, who illustrated many Kelmscott Press books; Morris designed the borders around the text. The Philip Robinson Library copy is one of 300 paper copies, which were sold by Reeves & Turner. The text block has been sewn and bound in limp vellum.
Text block from Morris, W. A Dream of John Ball (London: Kelmscott P, 1892) (Rare Books, RB821.86 MOR)
Page 32 from Jane Lorraine’s Recipe Book on how to make ‘Carraway Cakes’, ‘Sugar Plait’ and other recipes (Miscellaneous Manuscripts, Misc. MSS. 5)
This additional treasure of the month has been provided by Catherine Alexander, a student in the School of English Literature, Language and Linguistics, who has recently completed a summer research project based around a seventeenth-century recipe book, held in Special Collections.
This is a seventeenth century cook book manuscript, written by Jane Loraine, who lived in Northumberland. She is likely to have been the wife of Nicholas Loraine, son of Ambrose Loraine of Hartburn, and probably a member of the Fenwick family. The cook book is firmly rooted in Northumberland, and there are extensive records of the Loraine family in Kirkharle. Reference to individuals also demonstrates a local community; in this recipe Mrs Charleton’s surname locates her in Charlton, near Bellingham in North Tynedale. There are 67 recipes attributed to 41 individuals in this cook book, only 13 of whom are men.
Recipe: To maike mackrowns page 31 fol. 24V
25 Mackrowns Mrs Charletons this Take 4 new Laid eggs beat them a quarter of an houre in a glased earthen pot put to them ten spoun fulls of rose water beat it a quarter of an houre longer then put six spounfuls more of rose water beat it a quarter or an hour Longer then put one pound of lose sugar down weight finely beaten beat it halfe an houre Longer then put in halfe a pound of London flower beat it till it is well mixt butter your cofins deep in a good spounfull set them in as fast as you can let your oven be as hot as for white bread it must be A clay oven
The manuscript, in folio format, is 78 pages long and contains 665 recipes. The page numbering, added later, shows missing pages.
The annotation beside the recipe title: ‘this‘, shows use of the book and the selection process for the contents page.
Page 31 from Jane Lorraine’s Recipe Book on how to make ‘Macrowns’ (Miscellaneous Manuscripts, Misc. MSS. 5)
This manuscript is typical in its medical emphasis and over half of the recipes are medical, while only a quarter are culinary. These food recipes focus on cakes, creams and preserves, while the medical receipts cover a range of illnesses, focusing on common concerns such as consumption, and women’s health, particularly childbirth. There are also some recipes for beauty treatments and perfumes. Nine percent of the recipes represent the overlap between food and health, in the waters and wines which function as drinks as well as preventative medicines and cures.
Page 66 from Jane Lorraine’s Recipe Book showing multiple recipes for a common cold or cough (Miscellaneous Manuscripts, Misc. MSS. 5)
This hybridity has an impact on the domestic roles of women, as they commanded authority on medical as well as culinary issues.
Many parallels and similarities can be seen with other cook book manuscripts and printed texts at this time, and this manuscript is part of a widespread communication of ideas and advice. This genre was popular in the seventeenth century and gave women a literary voice.
Page 65 from Jane Lorraine’s Recipe Book showing multiple recipes for a consumption (Miscellaneous Manuscripts, Misc. MSS. 5)
Collaboration is also typical within the recipe book format, and this can be seen through reference to individuals as well as in the six different handwritings identifiable in the text. The secretary hand which dominates 70% of the text can be associated with Jane Loraine, through the 13 signatures given. Many of these are dated between 1684-6.
Map of part of Cumberland from Speed, John, 1552?-1629.: The theatre of the empire of Great Britaine : presenting an exact geography of the kingdomes of England, Scotland, Ireland, and the iles adioyning: with the shires, hundreds, cities and shire-townes, within ye kingdome of England. London, : And are to be solde by I. Sudbury and G. Humble, 1611. (Post Incunabula, Folio PI 912.42 SPE)
John Speed was born in Fardon, Cheshire in 1552. He was a tailor by trade, working in his father’s business until he was nearly 50. He then moved to London to work, but his main interest increasingly became the study of history. He joined the Society of Antiquaries. An allowance from Sir Fulke Greville enabled him to continue his research full time. William Camden encouraged him to begin a history of Britain.
Map of part of Bishoprick, Durham from Speed, John, 1552?-1629.: The theatre of the empire of Great Britaine : presenting an exact geography of the kingdomes of England, Scotland, Ireland, and the iles adioyning: with the shires, hundreds, cities and shire-townes, within ye kingdome of England. London, : And are to be solde by I. Sudbury and G. Humble, 1611. (Post Incunabula, Folio PI 912.42 SPE)
The Historie of Great Britaine was published in 1611 but of greater importance was the atlas that accompanied it – The Theatre of the Empire of Great Britaine, published in the same year, which is the subject of this month’s Treasure.
The atlas contains maps for each of the counties of England and Wales, 5 maps of Ireland and a general map of Scotland.
The first map (Cheshire) had been ready for engraving in 1604 but the death, in that same year, of the person selected to engrave the maps caused a serious delay.
In 1607 Flemish engraver Jodocus Hondius Sr. based in Amsterdam was asked to carry out the engraving which was completed between 1607 and 1611.
Map of part of Cumberland from Speed, John, 1552?-1629.: The theatre of the empire of Great Britaine : presenting an exact geography of the kingdomes of England, Scotland, Ireland, and the iles adioyning: with the shires, hundreds, cities and shire-townes, within ye kingdome of England. London, : And are to be solde by I. Sudbury and G. Humble, 1611. (Post Incunabula, Folio PI 912.42 SPE)
Probably the earliest county atlas of England and Wales, most of the county maps contain town plans which in many cases were the first depiction of that town.
Although the county maps were based on earlier works many of the town plans were in fact surveyed by Speed.
The town plans marked with a Scale of Passes [paces] being those that Speed had surveyed. A pace being equal to 5 feet.
The Library’s copy of The Theatre of the Empire of Great Britaine is incomplete but does include the map for Northumberland. The eastern half of the map includes a plan of Newcastle and various antiquarian objects.
Map of part of North Cumberland showing the Farne Island from Speed, John, 1552?-1629.: The theatre of the empire of Great Britaine : presenting an exact geography of the kingdomes of England, Scotland, Ireland, and the iles adioyning: with the shires, hundreds, cities and shire-townes, within ye kingdome of England. London, : And are to be solde by I. Sudbury and G. Humble, 1611. (Post Incunabula, Folio PI 912.42 SPE)
The western portion includes armorials of various local families and a town plan of Barwick [Berwick]. The Theatre of the Empire also includes maps of Farne and Holy Island.
Map of part of Northumberland showing Holy Island from Speed, John, 1552?-1629.: The theatre of the empire of Great Britaine : presenting an exact geography of the kingdomes of England, Scotland, Ireland, and the iles adioyning: with the shires, hundreds, cities and shire-townes, within ye kingdome of England. London, : And are to be solde by I. Sudbury and G. Humble, 1611. (Post Incunabula, Folio PI 912.42 SPE)
This additional treasure of the month has been provided by Catherine Alexander, a student in the School of English Literature, Language and Linguistics, who has recently completed a summer research project based around a seventeenth-century recipe book, held in Special Collections.
Extract from Jane Loraine’s Recipe Book(Miscellaneous Manuscripts, Misc. MSS. 5)
This is a seventeenth century cook book manuscript, written by Jane Loraine, who lived in Northumberland. She is likely to have been the wife of Nicholas Loraine, son of Ambrose Loraine of Hartburn, and probably a member of the Fenwick family. The cook book is firmly rooted in Northumberland, and there are extensive records of the Loraine family in Kirkharle. Reference to individuals also demonstrates a local community; in this recipe Mrs Charleton’s surname locates her in Charlton, near Bellingham in North Tynedale. There are 67 recipes attributed to 41 individuals in this cook book, only 13 of whom are men.
To maike mackrowns page 31 fol. 24V
25 Mackrowns Mrs Charletons this Take 4 new Laid eggs beat them a quarter of an houre in a glased earthen pot put to them ten spoun fulls of rose water beat it a quarter of an houre longer then put six spounfuls more of rose water beat it a quarter or an hour Longer then put one pound of lose sugar down weight finely beaten beat it halfe an houre Longer then put in halfe a pound of London flower beat it till it is well mixt butter your cofins deep in a good spounfull set them in as fast as you can let your oven be as hot as for white bread it must be A clay oven
The manuscript, in folio format, is 78 pages long and contains 665 recipes. The page numbering, added later, shows missing pages.
The annotation beside the recipe title: ‘this‘, shows use of the book and the selection process for the contents page.
Page 31 from Jane Loraine’s Recipe Book, showing the recipe on how ‘to maike mackrowns’ (Miscellaneous Manuscripts, Misc. MSS. 5)
This manuscript is typical in its medical emphasis and over half of the recipes are medical, while only a quarter are culinary. These food recipes focus on cakes, creams and preserves, while the medical receipts cover a range of illnesses, focusing on common concerns such as consumption, and women’s health, particularly childbirth. There are also some recipes for beauty treatments and perfumes. Nine percent of the recipes represent the overlap between food and health, in the waters and wines which function as drinks as well as preventative medicines and cures.
This hybridity has an impact on the domestic roles of women, as they commanded authority on medical as well as culinary issues.
Many parallels and similarities can be seen with other cook book manuscripts and printed texts at this time, and this manuscript is part of a widespread communication of ideas and advice. This genre was popular in the seventeenth century and gave women a literary voice.
Collaboration is also typical within the recipe book format, and this can be seen through reference to individuals as well as in the six different handwritings identifiable in the text. The secretary hand which dominates 70% of the text can be associated with Jane Loraine, through the 13 signatures given. Many of these are dated between 1684-6.
Further information about this manuscript can be found on the Turning Pages software in the School of English.
Extract from Jane Loraine’s Recipe Book(Miscellaneous Manuscripts, Misc. MSS. 5)
[Mary, Queen of Scots] In the Royal Palace of St. James’s an Antient Painting. 1580. Delineated and sculpted by G. Vertue (1735) (Clarke (Edwin) General Collection)
This month marks the 450th anniversary of Mary, Queen of Scots’ return to Scotland aged nineteen, following the death of her husband, King François II of France. Mary was born in 1542 and became Queen of Scotland six days later following the death of her father, King James V, after his defeat at the battle of Solway Moss. King Henry VIII was determined to marry the infant Queen to his son, Edward, thus finally uniting the crowns of Scotland and England. This was unpopular with the Scottish nobles who instead made a deal with the French to marry Mary to the Dauphin. This was ratified by the Treaty of Haddington in 1548 and Mary was sent to live in France – a safe distance from the attempts by English troops to kidnap her.
After Francois’ death Mary decided to return to Scotland to rule the country of her birth. Her mother, Mary of Guise, had ruled as regent until her death in 1560 and now the nobles had seized power under her half-brother, Lord James Stewart. They welcomed Mary’s return. Scotland was now a Protestant, and turbulent, country and, as a Catholic, Mary had to compromise over religion during her reign.
Mary was determined to have her claim to the English throne recognised and hoped that she would be named by Queen Elizabeth as her heir. They made plans to meet in summer 1562 but Elizabeth pulled out at the last minute. Mary was upset and annoyed that she had listened to Elizabeth’s opinions about who she should marry. Elizabeth had suggested her own favourite, Robert Dudley, 1st Earl of Leicester, as she thought this would allow her to manipulate Mary’s decisions. In the end, Mary married her English Catholic first cousin, Henry Stuart, Lord Darnley at Holyrood Palace on 29th July 1565. She married without consulting Elizabeth who was furious as both Mary and Darnley were claimants to the English throne and any children would inherit both parents’ claims and thus be next in line for the crown.
At first Mary was infatuated with Darnley but before long he became arrogant, demanding more power and to be crowned King. He was also jealous of Mary’s friendship with her private secretary, David Rizzio, and he entered into a secret plot with the nobles to get rid of him. They were jealous of Rizzio’s position as Mary’s favourite and of his influence over her. On 9th March 1566, a group of the lords, accompanied by Darnley, murdered Rizzio in front of the pregnant Mary at Holyrood Palace in Edinburgh. Mary was kept prisoner but she managed to lure Darnley back to her side and they escaped. However, she could now no longer trust him.
In June, their son James was born. Those nobles who were loyal to Mary met to discuss the problem of Darnley and swore a bond vowing to get rid of him. Darnley knew the tide had turned against him and, fearing for his safety, fled to his father in Glasgow. Here he was taken ill, with what is now believed to have been syphilis. Mary encouraged her husband to come back to Edinburgh and arranged for him to recuperate in a house at the former abbey of Kirk o’ Field, within the city walls. In February 1567 an explosion occurred in the house in the middle of the night, and Darnley was found dead in the garden. He appeared to have been strangled. He and a servant were found in their bedclothes with a variety of objects including a chair, a dagger and a rope, leading historians to suggest that they were aware the house was going to explode and were trying to escape. It is possible that they were apprehended whilst fleeing and were strangled to death.
One of the nobles, James Hepburn, 4th Earl of Bothwell, was quickly accused of having supplied the gunpowder for the explosion and he was believed by many to be responsible for Darnley’s death. It was Mary’s and Bothwell’s actions in the wake of Darnley’s murder that convinced everyone of their guilt. Such was the evidence against Bothwell that Mary had to arrange a staged trial before Parliament, during which he was acquitted. Bothwell then managed to convince the nobles to sign the Ainslie Tavern Bond, in which they agreed to support him in his attempt to marry the Queen. By now the Scots were beginning to become suspicious of Mary.
In April 1567, Mary visited her son at Stirling, for what would be the last time. On her way back to Edinburgh she was abducted by Bothwell and his men and taken to Dunbar Castle, where she was allegedly raped by Bothwell. They returned to Edinburgh and at Holyrood they were married. Mary believed the marriage had the support of her nobles because of the Ainslie Tavern Bond. But they soon turned against the newlyweds and raised an army against them. Mary and Bothwell confronted them at Carberry Hill on 15th June. Although no fighting took place, Mary agreed to go with the Lords on condition that they let Bothwell go. However, they imprisoned her in a castle on an island in the middle of Loch Leven and forced her to abdicate the throne in favour of her son, James. Her brother James was to act as regent.
In May 1568, Mary escaped and managed to raise a small army. After her army’s defeat at the Battle of Langside, she fled by boat across the Solway Firth into England. She appealed to her cousin, Queen Elizabeth, to help restore her to her throne but Elizabeth, fearful of Mary’s presence in her country, instead imprisoned her for nineteen years. Following years of plots and escape attempts, Elizabeth eventually had Mary executed at Fotheringhay Castle in 1587. Upon Queen Elizabeth’s death, Mary and Darnley’s son ascended to the English throne as King James I, finally uniting the Scottish and English crowns.
Historians have examined the evidence and debated whether Mary and Bothwell plotted Darnley’s death, without reaching any definitive conclusion. Bothwell was almost certainly involved in Darnley’s death, but so were most of the nobles – after all they had signed a bond vowing to get rid of him. It is likely that they pointed the finger of blame at Bothwell in order to save their own lives. That Mary so unquestioningly took his side and then quickly married him has been taken as evidence of her guilt. However, as much as she hated Darnley at this point, as a ruling Queen, it is unlikely that she would have plotted his death. In the aftermath of his murder she would have been fearful for her own life and may have seen Bothwell as a protector. After he allegedly raped her, she would have had no choice but to marry him or forgo her honour. Almost as soon as she was in England, she promised to divorce him and marry someone of Elizabeth’s choosing in return for her freedom. It is unlikely she would have been so quick to cast her husband aside if he had been worth committing murder and jeopardising the throne for, just months earlier.
![[Mary, Queen of Scots] In the Royal Palace of St. James's an Antient Painting. 1580. Delineated and sculpted by G. Vertue (1735)](https://blogs.ncl.ac.uk/speccoll/files/2020/03/mary.jpg)